Dienstag, 17. Oktober 2017


Tatsachen und Beweise von Aggressions- und Annexionshandlungen Vietnams  gegen Kampuchea.
Diese Ausgabe ist die vollständige Reproduktion eines von der Abteilung für Presse und Information des Außenministeriums des demokratischen Kampuchea im September 1978 veröffentlichte Dokumentation

Nadja sagt: Das Dokument (Paris Januar 1979 – 85 Seiten) beabsichtigee ich in Abschnitte  zu veröffentlichen 

Dienstag, 10. Oktober 2017

Second Plenum of Seventh WPK Central Committee

Pyongyang, October 8 (KCNA) -- The Second Plenum of the 7th Central Committee of the Workers' Party of Korea took place in the capital city of Pyongyang on Oct. 7, Juche 106 (2017).
Kim Jong Un, chairman of the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK), guided the meeting.
Attending the meeting were members and alternate members of the WPK Central Committee and members of the Central Auditing Commission of the WPK.
Present as observers were leading officials of the WPK Central Committee and ministries, national institutions and provinces, cities and counties and officials of major industrial establishments.
The plenary meeting dealt with the following agenda items:
1. On some immediate tasks to cope with the prevailing situation
2. Organizational matter
The first agenda was discussed.
Chairman Kim Jong Un made a report on the first agenda.
In his report he made an analysis of the complicated international situation prevailing around the DPRK and the important matters arising therefrom and mentioned the orientation of our Party's immediate activities and economic development to cope with the prevailing situation and set forth the strategic tasks and ways for its materialization.
He referred to the fact that the U.S. imperialists are making last-ditch efforts to completely stifle the sovereignty and the rights to existence and development of the DPRK by cooking up UNSC "sanctions resolutions" one after another with mobilization of their vassal forces.
He solemnly declared: The nuclear weapons of the DPRK are a precious fruition borne by its people's bloody struggle for defending the destiny and sovereignty of the country from the protracted nuclear threats of the U.S. imperialists. And they are powerful deterrent firmly safeguarding the peace and security in the Korean peninsula and Northeast Asia and reliably guaranteeing the Korean nation's sovereignty and rights to existence and development and a treasured sword of justice to remove the nuclear clouds of tyranny bringing a horrible disaster to mankind and make it possible for the people to lead an independent and happy life under the clear and blue sky.
He noted with appreciation that the country's science and technology have developed by leaps and bounds and the national economy has grown on their strength this year, despite the escalating sanctions of the U.S. imperialists and their vassal forces.
This year's struggle for implementing the decision of the Seventh WPK Congress gave valuable experience that we can readily blaze our path as long as there are perfect independent economic structure of the country and its solid foundations no matter what sanctions the enemies may impose, he said.
The Chairman affirmed that the prevailing situation and the reality shows that our Party was absolutely right when it dynamically advanced along the socialist road of Juche, holding fast to the line of simultaneously pushing forward the economic construction and the building of nuclear force and that our Party should invariably keep to this road in the future, too.
Clarifying the Party's principled stand and revolutionary strategy to put an end to the U.S. imperialists' nuclear blackmail and threat and pave a broad avenue to the building of a socialist economic power by further enhancing the might of the self-supporting national economy, he stressed the need to further strengthen the power of the country under the unfurled banner of independence and self-reliance and thus decisively frustrate the reckless nuclear war provocation and sinister sanctions and pressure of the enemies.
Stating that the WPK will victoriously conclude the standoff with the U.S., which has lasted century after century, and bring earlier the victory in the socialist cause by giving full play to its correct leadership ability, the Chairman set forth the orientation and tasks for bringing the revolutionary struggle to a new great upsurge.
He emphasized the need to further cement the might of single-minded unity between the Party and the masses.
The single-minded unity is the cornerstone for existence of our Party and State and the most powerful weapon of the Korean revolution, he said, adding that it is important to direct and submit all activities of the Party and the State to strengthening the single-minded unity of the revolutionary ranks and steadily make the revolutionary climate of devotedly serving the people prevail throughout the Party.
He stressed the need to continue thoroughly implementing the Party's line of simultaneously developing the two fronts so as to successfully accomplish the great historic cause of building the state nuclear force.
He also called for effecting fresh upswing in the building of a socialist economic power with the great spirit of self-reliance and self-development as the dynamic force and by dint of science and technology.
The main key to foiling the extremely vicious sanctions and pressure of the U.S. imperialists and their vassal forces and turning misfortune into a blessing is just self-reliance and the sci-tech strength, he said, underscoring the need to strengthen the independence and Juche character of the national economy in every way.
Saying that unyielding efforts should be made to develop the country's economy into an independent economy relying on its own efforts, technology and resources under the line of making the national economy Juche-based and the slogan of self-reliance and thus the process of overcoming today's difficulty should be made an opportunity to bring a decisive turn in building a self-supporting economic power, he mentioned detailed tasks facing the economic sections.
Noting that science and technology are an engine steering the building of a powerful socialist country, he stressed the need for all sectors and units to thoroughly implement the Party's economic policy by giving definite priority to science and technology and enlisting the energy and wisdom of their sci-tech forces and producers.
He said that the Cabinet and all the economic guidance organs should conduct well operations and command to strictly implement the revolutionary responding strategy.
He set it as an important way to enhance the militant function and role of the Party organizations at all levels in every way in order to realize the Party's revolutionary line and strategy.
The whole Party should pay efforts to strengthening the primary party committees and party cells and thus make all the basic party organizations move in a militant and viable manner at all times under the unified leadership of the Party Central Committee and wage a dynamic drive to carry out the Party's line and policies, he said.
The present situation is stern and we are faced with ordeals but our Party always remains confident and will firmly adhere to the independent line and open the ever-victorious road despite any upheaval as it enjoys absolute support and trust from the entire army and all the people, he stressed.
Our cause is invincible as long as there are the solid self-supporting economic foundation laid by President Kim Il Sung and leader Kim Jong Il, a large contingent of scientists trained by our Party, the army and people armed with the revolutionary spirit of our Party and the tradition of self-reliance, he said, calling for dynamically struggling for the final victory of the revolution, more closely united around the Party Central Committee.
A decision on the first agenda was adopted at the plenary meeting.
Discussed there was an organizational matter, the second agenda.
Recall and by-election of members and alternate members of the Political Bureau of the Party Central Committee were held.
Pak Kwang Ho, Pak Thae Song, Thae Jong Su, An Jong Su and Ri Yong Ho were elected members of the Political Bureau of the Party Central Committee to fill the vacancy.
Choe Hwi, Pak Thae Dok, Kim Yo Jong and Jong Kyong Thaek were elected alternate members of the Political Bureau of the Party Central Committee to fill the vacancy.
Vice-Chairmen of the Party Central Committee were relieved of their posts and elected.
Pak Kwang Ho, Pak Thae Song, Thae Jong Su, Pak Thae Dok, An Jong Su and Choe Hwi were elected vice-chairmen of the Party Central Committee,
Recall and by-election of members of the Party Central Military Commission were held.
Choe Ryong Hae, Ri Pyong Chol, Jong Kyong Thaek and Jang Kil Song were elected members of the Party Central Military Commission to fill the vacancy.
Recall and by-election of members and alternate members of the Party Central Committee were held.
Kim Pyong Ho, Kim Myong Sik, Kim Jong Sik and Choe Tu Yong were elected members of the Party Central Committee from alternate members to fill the vacancy and Ri Ju O, Jon Kwang Ho, Ko In Ho, Choe Tong Myong, Ryang Won Ho, Kim Kwang Hyok, Hong Yong Chil, Kim Myong Gil, Kim Tu Il, Ryang Jong Hun, Ri Hi Yong and Ho Chol Ryong were elected members of the Party Central Committee to fill the vacancy.
Sing Ryong Man, Yu Jin, Sin Yong Chol, Jang Kil Song, Ju Song Nam, Rim Kwang Ung, Jang Ryong Sik, Kim Yong Ho, Hyon Song Wol, Ma Won Chun, Ryom Chol Su, Song Chun Sop, Jang Jun Sang, Kim Yong Jae, Kim Chun Do, Kim Chang Gwang, Kim Yong Gyu, Jo Jun Mo, Sin Yong Chol, Kim Chang Yop, Jang Chun Sil, Pak Chol Min, Pak Mun Ho, Choe Sung Ryong, Choe Rak Hyon, Ho Pong Il, Kim Kwang Yong and Son Thae Chol were elected alternate members of the Party Central Committee to fill the vacancy.
Directors of some departments of the Party Central Committee and the editor-in-chief of the Rodong Sinmun were appointed.
Choe Ryong Hae, Pak Kwang Ho, Thae Jong Su, Kim Yong Su, Ryang Won Ho, Ju Yong Sik and Sin Ryong Man were appointed as department directors of the Party Central Committee.
Kim Pyong Ho was appointed as editor-in-chief of the Rodong Sinmun.
Chairman of the Inspection Commission of the Party Central Committee was relieved of his post and elected.
Jo Yon Jun was elected chairman of the Inspection Commission of the Party Central Committee.
Chairmen of the provincial committees of the WPK were appointed.
Kim Tu Il was appointed as chairman of the South Phyongan Provincial Committee, Ryang Jong Hun as chairman of the North Hwanghae Provincial Committee and Ri Hi Yong as chairman of the North Hamgyong Provincial Committee.
The 2nd Plenary Meeting of the 7th Central Committee of the WPK held under the guidance of Chairman Kim Jong Un will mark an epochal occasion in hastening the final victory in the building of a socialist power and the revolutionary cause of Juche by dynamically arousing the whole Party, the entire army and all the people to the general offensive to implement the decision of the Party Seventh Congress under the unfurled banner of great Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism. -0-

Montag, 9. Oktober 2017

POL POT Interview with Yugoslav Journalists (6)

Question Eight: When we return to our country, we will present to our readers and TV audience the successful outcome and the questions to which Democratic Cambodia is devoting its prime attention, as well as the portraits of the leaders of this friendly non-aligned country. Therefore, let us ask you this last question: Comrade Pol Pot, who are you? What is the past of the Comrade Secretary of the Central Committee of the Cambodian Communist Party?
Answer: We would like to say that we are glad to answer this question. But, first let me tell you that myself, as well as the other leading comrades, are just a tiny part of the Cambodian national movement and Cambodian people’s revolutionary movement. The history of my life is as follows: I am the son of a peasant. When I was young, I helped my parents in their labour. Later on, I stayed in a monastery, as was our custom, to receive an education. I lived there for six years, two years of which I spent in the monkhood. You are the first to know some of the details of my life.
When I was older, I attended a primary school of general education. I completed the course at this school but failed to go on to a secondary school, as I did not sit the entrance examination. At that time, in order to attend a secondary school, you had to sit an examination. I therefore returned home and helped my parents till the land. Later I entered secondary school  and finished the primary grade, I then switched to a secondary electrotechnical school where I studied for only just over a year. I studied many technical subjects, especially electricity.
After obtaining a scholarship, I went abroad to study, l went to France. The first year there I made great efforts and became a fairly good student. Later, I joined the progressive student movement. As I spent most of the time on struggle activities, I did not attend many of the classes at school. I attended the technical school less during the last two years. The state then cut short my scholarship, and I was forced to return home, where I secretly joined the struggle movement in Phnom Penh.
Afterwards, l joined the maquis against French colonialism. After the 1954 Geneva Agreement was signed I returned to the capital and resumed my underground activities. In public, I worked as a lecturer in geography, history and morals in a private school. The sphere of my underground work covered students, intellectuals, workers and peasants.
In 1963, I could no longer stay in Phnom Penh. l again went into the maquis. This is why my name was not well known. Even Lon Nol’s secret service, which kept following me and knew my name, had no idea of my position. When I was in Phnom Penh, I was in charge of our work in the capital and also of coordinating it with that in the countryside. Thus, after leaving the capital in 1963, I returned to Phnom Penh on 24th April 1975.
In 1960, at the national Party congress, I was elected to the Central Committee of the Party and as a standing member of the Central Committee. l became the Deputy Secretary of the Party Central Committee in 1961. Our Comrade Secretary was assassinated by the enemy in 1962. I was then appointed Acting Secretary. The second Party Congress was held in 1963. It elected me Secretary and subsequent congresses also retained me in this position.
In the countryside I stayed mainly in the most remote areas. I travelled far and wide throughout the country. All these years in the resistance helped me to familiarize myself not only with the Cambodian countryside, but also with the country’s entire economy, geography and topography. Our base area was in the minority region of north-eastern Cambodia. These minorities are quite familiar to me. They were extremely poor and had only loincloths. They experienced a shortage of salt every year. blow you cannot recognize them as minority people. They are wearing the same clothes and living in the same way as the rest of the people. They have plenty of rice, salt and medicine.
Most of all, I want to tell you about my life in 1950 when l was a student abroad. During that summer vacation, I spent more than one month working on the Zagreb motorway. ] was able to learn about the Yugoslav people and, especially, Yugoslav folklore. Therefore, you can see that we have a longstanding bond of friendship and our relations of friendship were established years ago. This is all I have to tell you.

POL POT Interview with Yugoslav Journalists (5)

Question Six: Many articles have been written throughout the world with or without reason, to the effect that your country is too insular. Are you considering making it more open to the world?   If so, what principle and direction will you follow?
Answer: Since our liberation, we have gained one friend after another. After liberation, there were many problems to be solved, such as rehabilitating the country and improving the people’s livelihood. This is called putting one’s house in order, re-establishing order inside the country. While we were carrying out these tasks, we were honoured by the successive visits of our friends. We hold that, in the future, a steadily increasing number of friends will call on us. There were some in 1975; more Visited us in 1976; still more in 1977; and more will visit us in 1978. In the years to come, an increasing number of friends will visit us.
We are opening up to you, inviting you to visit us, to come to our country. We expect that more friends will be invited to come and see us, and that friendship will be further strengthened and expanded with all these friendly peoples and countries.
Regarding the personages and various organizations showing friendship with and justice to Cambodia, we have invited and will invite more of them to visit our country, in our opinion, the trend is that more and more friends will come and visit us. Nevertheless, it is imperative for us to prepare our house and put it in order to the best of our ability in order to receive our friends.
As you can observe during your journey, the war brought much destruction to our country. Many who did not know Phnom Penh before and during the war, thought that Phnom Penh had been spared. Immediately after liberation, Phnom Penh did not look the way it does now. It was extremely filthy and was encumbered with networks of barracks and rolls of barbed wire. Now, we have removed, dismantled and cleaned up all this.
Question Seven: The relations between Democratic Cambodia and socialist Yugoslavia are manifested in friendship and co-operation. What possibility do you see in speeding up and expanding this co-operation between our two friendly countries?
Answer: Democratic Cambodia and Yugoslavia are friendly countries with a nonaligned political base and adhering to a policy of independence. On this basis, we entertain excellent bonds of friendship with each other in order to strengthen and expand all-round relations.
Relations in various fields are improving in accordance with the possibilities of our two countries. On Cambodia’s part, we are striving to build our nation and maximize production so as to diversify trade with Yugoslavia. Today, we still cannot meet our Yugoslav friends’ demands for commercial and agricultural products.
For instance, taking rubber as an example, we can produce it in reasonable quantities but the quality is not yet up to standard. Therefore, we will make every effort to improve the quality of our products in order to increase our trade.
Regarding other fields, we will continue to maintain our relations in order to cooperate with each other as much as possible. It is our opinion that the trend in this co-operation is excellent, because it is based not only on economic or commercial exchanges but also on good political and friendly relations.

Sonntag, 8. Oktober 2017

POL POT Interview with Yugoslav Journalists (4)

Question Five: As we see it, Democratic Cambodia is having problems and all kinds of difficulties with its neighbor. What is your opinion? How can you solve and overcome all these problems and difficulties?
Answer: Like all other newly liberated countries. Democratic Cambodia is experiencing difficulties. This is a normal situation. Historically speaking, to our knowledge, the difficulties being experienced by our Democratic Cambodia are not as serious as those of several other newly liberated countries. Of course, Democratic Cambodia certainly has difficulties.
The main difficulty arises from the fact that we have been adhering to the position of being independent and taking our destiny into our own hands. This has frustrated some countries and annoyed the expansionists and imperialists. However, it is our opinion that upholding the position of independence and self-reliance can cause difficulties. But these difficulties are no worse than those that Cambodia and the Cambodian people would have experienced if they had become other people’s slave, in which case there would no longer be a Cambodian nation and Cambodian people. Therefore, we are ready to preserve the position of independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, non-alignment and self-determination forever, no matter how many obstacles we have to fight and overcome.
As for the question of how to solve these difficulties, it depends on both our side and the side of those opposing us. We have successively tried to solve this issue through negotiations. Right after liberation, in June 1975 we – myself and a number of other leading comrades – went to Hanoi. We were willing to go there and express our good will to settle our long-standing problems. Many problems were discussed. The border issue was among these problems. We held that Cambodia wanted nothing more than to live in peace and we asked that the frontier, which in 1966-67 the Vietnamese side solemnly recognized and promised to respect, be the boundary between the two countries in an attempt to preserve, strengthen and expand the friendship between our nations and peoples. We did not reclaim our territory. We did not ask for the return of any of our former territories, islands or even one square inch of land. Still, they did not even talk to us. They did not deal with this issue, because they had the greater ambition of annexing the whole of Cambodia in the form of an Indochinese federation in which their people would be settled in Cambodia by the thousands and millions each year so that within 30 years or more the Cambodian people would be turned into a minority. This situation was clear.
In May 1976, we invited them for talks in Phnom Penh. They were reluctant to come. When they did come, they told us that it was because we insisted. During the talks they rejected the frontier that they had recognized and promised to respect in 1966-67. They said that in 1966 they had agreed with Cambodia on this point, because at that time they had been compelled to fight US imperialism. Therefore, it was a deception. Furthermore, they proposed a new border demarcation which took away a vast part of our territorial waters. We saw this as sheer expansionism. No hint of friendship could be detected. They thought that they could put pressure on us because ours was a small country. We did not comply. The talks were therefore a failure.
At the same time, they continued to use military forces to attack us in the border region in an attempt to coerce us into capitulating. Again, we did not comply. How can we agree with them. It is unacceptable for us to become a slave of the Vietnamese after making allout efforts to fight the imperialists and their lackeys.
It is unacceptable to our people and our army.
How then will we proceed to solve this issue? We are solving it in accordance with the actual situation. If they truly respect our sovereignty and independence, if they have true friendship, there is no difficulty in solving it. it can be solved immediately. However, if they persist in taking Cambodia, we will have to adopt a position for the defence of our independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
However, it is our opinion that these difficulties will be solved gradually. First, we will have to safeguard our independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity at all costs. In order to succeed in this endeavour, the entire people must be united, strive to maximize production and improve their living standard. Also, we must export more to secure more capital to finance national construction and defence.
At the same time, we hold that friends of Democratic Cambodia all over the world are standing on the side of our country and that the number of these friends is steadily growing.
We hold that many countries cherish independence and that some of them –Yugoslavia, to cite just one example – have a firm stand for independence. These independence-minded countries can see who is right and who is wrong, who wants peace and friendship and who is expansionist and aggressive. The independence, and justice-loving countries have seen this more and more clearly. The trend, as we feel it, is becoming more and more favourable to us. Therefore, those who have been
committing expansionism and aggression against us should realize, also gradually, that they can no longer carry out aggression, expansionism and annexation against Cambodia. Only then will we be able to solve the problem. Nevertheless, we have to continue to cope with the prevailing situation.

DPRK Representative on Principled Stand of DPRK on Terrorism

Pyongyang, October 6 (KCNA) -- The DPRK representative clarified a principled stand of the DPRK government on terrorism at the Sixth Committee of UNGA 72nd Session.
He said:
At the UNGA held in June, the resolution to establish the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Office was unanimously passed.
The establishment of the Counter-Terrorism Office completed the framework of international organization which can implement the Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy and can effectively control the cooperation of countries.
The most important thing in fighting against terrorism is to clearly analyze the root cause of terrorism and to strengthen the cooperation of the international community based on that clear assessment.
The main reason international terrorism is not yet annihilated is because a particular country is using the "counter-terrorism" agenda to seek its selfish political interests, gravely undermining world peace and security.
Just like a chameleon changes its colors, the U.S. frequently changed the pretext of "counter-terrorism" and "non-proliferation" according to its need, and used them to overthrow legitimate governments in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya one by one by waging military attacks on those countries.
Now the U.S. is scheming to overthrow the legitimate government of Syria, by continuously stretching out its claws of aggression into the internal war of that country, under the pretext of "counter-terrorism".
As it is well-known, the essence of the "war on terror" by the U.S. is a state terrorism with the purpose of regime change in countries that are not favorable to the U.S. and a new form of war of aggression that gives the humankind nothing but disaster and misfortune.
In May this year, a group of heinous terrorists who infiltrated into our country on the orders of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the U.S. and the south Korean puppet Intelligence Service with the purpose of carrying out a state-sponsored terrorism against our supreme headquarters using biological and chemical substance were caught and exposed. This palpably shows the true nature of the U.S. as the main culprit behind terrorism.
The inveterate disapproval of other countries and nations, the extreme impertinence, interference into internal affairs and use of force aimed at regime changes and state-sponsored terrorism of the U.S. are the root cause of terrorism.
In this regard, the international community should define the root cause of terrorism and every country should maintain sharp vigilance not to fall victim to the "war on terror" conducted by the U.S. in rampant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and international laws.
It is a consistent stand of the DPRK government to oppose all forms of terrorism and any support to it.
The DPRK government has acceded to several international conventions on counter-terrorism including the "International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism" and "United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime".
The DPRK government will continue to fulfill its responsibility to root out all forms of terrorism and to preserve peace and security of the Korean peninsula and the world. -

Nadja sagt: Das ist musterhaftes Antiterrorismus!

Mittwoch, 4. Oktober 2017

POL POT Interview with Yugoslav Journalists (3)

Question four: we have witnessed that your cities are deserted today. Can you explain the aim of this operation? Why have you abolished the role of money, the system of monthly wages, and the trade network? Is this a temporary trend in the social changes and revolutionary transformations in your society, or is it a model society that you.are trying to create on a long term basis?
Answer: There are many reasons for the evacuation of inhabitants from Phnom Penh and other cities. First, there is the economic consideration – the question of providing food for millions or hundreds of thousands of people in each city. When we examined this problem, we saw that it was beyond our capability. It would be • impossible for us to feed so many millions of townspeople. To take these people to the countryside and relocate them in co-operatives would be a good solution, as the
co-operatives had rice fields and other means of production at their disposal. We have co-operatives which are willing to have the townspeople live and work with them. The co-operatives own cattle, buffaloes and all other means of production in common. Our strength is ill the countryside;our weakness is in the cities. Therefore, we came to the conclusion that we had to ask the people to go and live in the countryside in order to solve the food problem. If would could solve the problem of food supplies, tile people would gain confidence in us. Staying in the cities meant starvation. A hungry people would not believe in the revolution. This is the economic reason. However, in addition to the economic reason, there was also the problem of defending the country and maintaining national security. Before liberation, we learned about the plan of US imperialism and its lackeys. The latter cooked up a plan in preparation for their defeat. According to this plan, after our victory and our entry in Phnom Penh, they would agitate (Cambodian: kraluk) against us inside the capital in all fields – economic, military and political – in an attempt to overthrow our revolution. Therefore, taking this
situation into consideration, we decided to evacuate the people from the cities and relocate them in the rural co-operatives so that we could solve the food problem and become the first to smash the US imperialist plan, preventing them from attacking us when we entered Phnom Penh.Thus, this action was not preplanned. It was the realization that a food shortage was imminent and that there was a need to solve the problem of food for the people, as well as the realization that there was a plan by US lackeys to attack us, that prompted us to evacuate the cities.
As for the question of money, the role of money, salaries and the commercial system, it can be explained as follows: In 1970-71 we managed to liberate 75 to 80% of the country. During that period we had our political and military power.
However, we did not wield any economic power. The economy was in the hands of the landlords and the capitalists. These people received everything that was produced, because they had the money to do so. We decided that in the liberated zone the people should sell their rice to the revolutionary administration at the rate of 30 riels per 12/kg bushel. However, the landlords and merchants offered from 100 to 200 riels for each 12/kg bushel of rice and resold it to Lon Nol. At that time we
had nothing. The people suffered badly from a shortage of food. So did the army.
As a result, the national liberation war was badly affected.
After examining this situation, we decided to organize and set up co-operatives, so that these co-operatives of the collective masses could control the economy and production in the countryside and distribute what was produced within co-operatives, among co-operatives from co-operatives to the State and from the State to the co-operatives. In this way, we could control agricultural production and solve the problem of livelihood for the people. The people, in turn, could offer their sons and
daughters for service in the army for the attack against the enemy.
As the co-operatives started providing support for each other and bartering their produce with each other, the role of money became increasingly less important.  In 1972 the role of money was fading out. In 1973, money lost much of its importance.
In 1974, it became non-existent in 80% of the liberated zone. Immediately before liberation, only the State spent money in purchasing goods outside the liberated zone for the support of the liberated zone under its control. With such experience, we asked the mass opinion on the matter and were told that money was useless as everything was traded on a barter system within the co-operatives. Therefore, in the liberated zone at the time – which represented more than 90% of the territory and was inhabited by almost 6,000,000 people – we completely ;olved this problem. When the people left the cities they all received the support of the co-operatives. Therefore we have ceased to use money up to the present.
What will happen in this respect in the future? It is up to the people, if the people want to use money again, we will use money again, if they see that is it not necessary, it is up to them. Therefore, the future will be decided on the basis of practicality. This is why we told you that we do not have a blueprint or a readymade model. It all depends on the experience of the revolutionary mass movement. We will learn from this experience while it is being implemented.
The suspension of the wage system also has its precedent. In the successive revolutionary movements and particularly during the national liberation war, neither our cadres nor combatants received wages, nor did our people. Before liberation, when we controlled 90% of the country, about 6,000,000 people were accustomed to this practice. In other words, our cadres, combatants and about 6,000,000 of our people did not receive any pay. This became a tradition. Moreover, the truth is that in the past the majority of the people received no wage at all; only functionaries did. Thus, having got used to this, the people who left Phnom Penh went straight into the co-operatives while the local cadres, army cadres, army combatants or workers were treated the same as they were during the war.
We hold that we must avoid causing any burden to the people and keep money mainly for financing national construction and defence efforts. And the future?
The future is completely up to the actual situation of the time and the will of the people.
The commercial network is under the control of the State and the co-operatives which work together. The State collects the produce of the co-operatives and distributes it inside the country or exports it, and the State imports goods to be distributed throughout the country. This is the method which has been implemented so far. This method is also one of our wartime traditions.
The future also depends on the actual situation. That is to say, we do not take the present system as a permanent one. Neither is it a transitional one. We have been practicing this method in accordance with the actual situation. In the future, we will also stick to the actual situation. The determining factor is the people.